A Wolf in the Throne Room:
On Discourse and Militant Dysphoria

Let me start by getting something off my chest… I’m frustrated with my PhD at the moment.

My funding stopped at the end of March. As a result, I’ve had to get a new job to pay the bills. The job is great, but I am left wondering why anyone’s PhD funding would be stopped at what is probably the most crucial time for concentration. Ridiculously, this is entirely usual. I knew it was coming. I’d even planned to finish my thesis before my funding ran out, but there were inevitably a lot of corrections to be made to the manuscript submitted back in February. Now I don’t have the time to make them. I’m especially annoyed about it because I’ve persisted with this project in a timely manner through so much personal turmoil. It would be so ironic (if fitting) if it was the university itself that made me fall at the final hurdle.

At this point, I don’t even know what I’d do with a doctorate anyway. Not just with the title of Dr. — although it is attractively gender-neutral — but with the thesis itself. Since Repeater Books succumbed to the censorship of its Zionist owners, relegated to a zombie press engaged with only by those ignorant of or indifferent to that context, I no longer have a home in publishing. I could send the thesis to a more academic press, but adjacency to academia has never been something I’ve wanted. I went to art school. My Masters was a brief stint of writing practice that left me looking for an undercommons. When I started my PhD, I was homeless and directionless post-pandemic, and mostly did it for the money and time afforded to put my life back together. In that regard, it has already served its purpose. Meanwhile, academia has remained on its knees, reduced to a swamp of immiserating bureaucracies. Four years as a postgrad has not persuaded me that it’s worth engaging with any further.

Still, it feels like such a waste of energy to leave this 100,000-word monstrosity in some folder on my laptop gathering digital dust. But maybe that’s fate. It’s not been a complete waste of time; I’ve learned a lot, that’s for sure. But I do have mixed feelings about having nothing publishable to show for it. That was what I’d hoped for. But the world also feels so different from when I started with that humble aim. From the vantage point of 2026, it feels less humble and more myopic.

At least I still have my blog. But who reads it? Yes, the death of the blogosphere has been declared many times, but now it seems assured. Even Substack, which briefly dominated as a side-hustle space for all sorts of jobbing commentators, feels increasingly irrelevant. I don’t remember the last time I felt moved to read one. The Internet has instead become an energetic wasteland. In many ways, it always was one. But I see no positive value in it whatsoever anymore. Nothing truly fruitful has come out of its discourses in years.

There is still so much to write about and talk about, but what is the point of writing about it here or there? What good comes from flinging things online? Or sequestering them away in academic journals? Who has the time and resources necessary to sustain a writing practice in any regard? I certainly don’t. I know I published three books not that long ago, but you should have seen the state of my personal life by the time they were done with. It would be nice to have the time again one day, but I’m done with suffering for a craft. There’s enough suffering to be experienced already, which results in a sense of urgency that writing does not alleviate.

Do I sounded jaded? Frustrated? Disheartened with everything? I am. The Gaza genocide has changed everything. The years spent blogging feel like a decent education that now needs to be put to better use.

I write anyway. I try to write myself out of a persistent year-long disillusionment.

THe University Discourse

Part of me blames Lacan for all this. I have spent the last four years largely getting to grips with him, which has mutated the direction of a PhD that I originally intended to be about Deleuze. The endless explication needed to demonstrate my knowledge of a figure I intended to be marginal feels like quicksand. It has taken all energy out of a project I was initially excited about. That is the Lacanian trap.

Don’t get me wrong: I might be grumpy, but Lacan is useful, for sure. Wrestling with the issues he raises is a good exercise in sharpening one’s wit (even if it is one only appreciated by a specific in-group). Still, it hardly feels indispensable. The inexhaustible task of elucidating the system he produced only makes one primed for co-optation by a university machine. At the risk of throwing stones from my glass house, I feel frustrated with this sort of thing precisely because I almost walked zombie-like into the same situation.

Lacan may have also been onto something when he built a body of work, like that of James Joyce, that remains a veritable honey trap / gravity well for academics. Frustrating them is the point! But speaking personally, I really don’t want to fall into all that, thanks very much.

Still, there is one piece of Lacan that I have found useful, at least in framing the frustrations I have. (The paradox of structuralism is that it is always well placed to frame the consequences of its own shortcomings.) For the past few months especially — whenever I’ve had the time — I have been immersed in writing a chapter on Lacan’s four discourses.

In particular, there is Lacan’s theorisation of the ‘university discourse’. Here, ‘knowledge’ itself becomes the agent of discourse — there is no clearly defined hierarchy or jostling for symbolic power. Everything is made more diffuse. It is a discourse that signifies a major shift in the production of knowledge that, for Lacan, epitomises modernity. As Adrian Johnston writes, it describes “a shift from the dominance of ‘the discourse of the master’ qua social bond” — which is “structured on the basis of traditional pre-twentieth-century paternal-style authority” — “to the hegemony of ‘the discourse of the university’ qua social bond” — which is “structured on the basis of anonymous bureaucratic and scientific authority underpinned by allegedly neutral, objective knowledge”.

The main problem that Lacan’s ‘university discourse’ represents, of course, is that, whilst the university may epitomise this sort of knowledge production, it does not ‘own’ it. In fact, for Lacan, it was the USSR that epitomised the university discourse on a global scale. But here he betrays his own biases, doing a sort of psychoanalytic version of an admonishment of communism that is far more applicable to capitalism. Indeed, today, the university discourse feels more appropriate to the late-capitalist world in which we currently live: the world of a ‘technocratic’ capitalist realism, beholden to its own sense of ‘grown-up‘ politics, which is no appeal to parental authority, but rather a kind of sickeningly Millennial ‘eldest daughter’ sense of responsibility.

You need only look at the attack ads circulating around the recent local elections in the UK to see this discourse in full view, wherein Labour centrists decry again and again the crisis of ‘sectarian’ politics afflicting the nation. As Slavoj Žižek once argued:

One of the telltale signs of university discourse is that the opponent is accused of being ‘dogmatic’ and ‘sectarian’. University discourse cannot tolerate an engaged subjective stance.

In the form of the Labour Party, it’s a politics beholden to the focus group, fiscal responsibility, lofty centrism, the ‘professional-managerial class’… It’s capitalist realism built on a foundation of ‘think tanks’. It’s why Labour’s likely forthcoming leadership contest is little more than an exercise in changing the window dressing. Contemporary politics puts big, dumb inflatables in suits on display, but it’s typically rudderless and leaderless.

This suits a university discourse, because it makes superficial reboots and revamps easier to pull off. After all, a further mechanism of university discourse in this regard is its quintessentially capitalist mode of ‘reterritorialisation’, albeit at the level of knowledge production, which feeds upon those most resistant to the institutions of knowledge production themselves. Mark Fisher’s brief stint within Labour’s technocratic machinery feels like an example, but it is one that is again epitomised by the university itself. Žižek notes, for example, how figures like “Kierkegaard, Nietzsche, or Benjamin” are “three great antiuniversitarians whose presence in the academy is today all-pervasive”. Together with many others, they “demonstrate that the ‘excluded’ or ‘damned’ authors are the IDEAL feeding stuff for the academic machine.”

It’s why the lauded para-academics of the twenty-first century — the Ccru, for example, and those who came after — are now everywhere in academia, and even provide an intellectual cornerstone of the Big Tech companies that the Ccru lampooned. Hell, I’m even aware that my own work has been taught on university courses, leading to various assumptions that I’m part of that machinery. In light of this, Žižek suggests that one aspect of Lacan’s ‘university discourse’ is that it serves as a mechanism of institutionalised knowledge-production “endeavouring to integrate, domesticate, and appropriate the excess that resists and rejects it”. Speaking from experience, it’s hard to argue with that. But what are we — what am I — to do with the resentful disillusionment that inevitably follows?

The Four Discourses (of Web 2.0)

Thinking more about the present, Lacan’s four discourses have led me back to Mark Fisher’s (oft-ignored) schema of Y2K social links, which can perhaps be read as a less formal attempt to update Lacan’s theses for the social-media era.

What Fisher presents us with, in 2009, is a schema of fans, vampires, trolls, and Masters. Like Lacan’s four discourses, Fisher’s symbolic figures can be framed as stand-ins for certain types of social bond ensnared within a diffusively networked master’s discourse.

“The dominant modes of subjectivity at the end of history / web 2.0 are those of the Troll and the Grey Vampire, the two faces of the Last Man”, Fisher begins. He first analyses the Troll, suggesting that the “academic qua academic is the Troll par excellence”:

Postgraduate study has a propensity to breeds trolls; in the worst cases, the mode of nitpicking critique (and autocritique) required by academic training turns people into permanent trolls, trolls who troll themselves, who transform their inability to commit to any position into a virtue, a sign of their maturity (opposed, in their minds, to the allegedly infantile attachments of The Fan). But there is nothing more adolescent – in the worst way – than this posture of alleged detachment, this sneer from nowhere. For what it disavows is its own investments; an investment in always being at the edge of projects it can neither commit to nor entirely sever itself from – the worst kind of libidinal configuration, an appalling trap, an existential toxicity which ensures debilitation for all who come into contact with it (if only […] in terms of time and energy wasted – the Troll above all wants to waste time, its libido involves a banal sadism, the dull malice of snatching people’s toys away from them).

Trolls are everywhere. I could not possibly count the number of times someone has tried to shame me for being a ‘fan’ of Mark Fisher, for instance. But my allegiance, even when critical, is steadfast. It shouldn’t surprise anyone. My investments run deep.

Fisher continues by discussing the Grey Vampire, who is “related to” the Troll, “and in some ways even more dangerous”:

Grey Vampires are creatures who disguise their moth-greyness in iridescent brightness, all the colours of attractive sociability. Like moths, they are drawn by the light of energetic commitment, but [are] unable to themselves commit. Unlike the Troll, the Grey Vampire’s mode is not aggressive, at least not actively so; the Grey Vampire is … moth-like only on the inside. On the outside, they are bright, humorous, positive – everyone likes them. But they are possessed by a deep, implacable sadness. They feed on the energy of those who are devoted, but they cannot devote themselves to anything.

The great irony of Fisher’s posthumous interpretation, especially amongst a particular brand of American para-academician, is that the Troll and Grey Vampire are pulled adrift from Fisher’s wider libidinal schema and weaponised to always apply to everyone else. The Grey Vampire, as per Fisher’s infamous “Exiting the Vampire Castle“, may still apply to a certain type of moribund too-woke leftist, but when detached from his wider schema, we fail to see how it is Trolls themselves who have utilised this image of the vampire for their own immiserating aims. In fact, Fisher already predicted that this blurring of his schema might best apply to the

postmodern academic, complicit with the system that immiserates them, reflexively impotent, [who] is required to oscillate between being Troll and Grey Vampire, between hyper-critical scholarliness and convivial sociality, kept locked into the system by just the right level of prestige and self-loathing. That’s why most of the interesting work done in institutions is achieved by people who have infiltrated the academy after periods of (intellectual and subjective) destitution.

Fisher counts himself amongst this crowd, of course. He long sought a position within the academy, even whilst he was critical of it, and it is no doubt for this reason that he hated the way he, like so many, longed for its degraded promises. After all, what is the alternative? Is it not better to find fulfilment doing what one loves in an imperfect system than affirming one’s impotence resentfully from outside it? One of the more acute crises Fisher faced towards the end of his life was undoubtedly that he loved teaching and he loved his students, but he also found the academy’s bureaucracies immiserating and Kafkaesque. He seemingly never resolved that tension at the heart of his precarious dayjob.

My reason for returning to Fisher’s informal schema is that I want to resist the transformation of my own disillusionment and resentment into any of these negative figures. I see bits of myself in each of them. With regards to a particular relationship to the university, the schema suitably draws on universals. Any ‘truthful’ answer to the questions above is always going to be personal. Let each individual find a way to make peace with their own relationship to the university, whether inside or outside of it.

I feel like I have made my peace with being on the outside. I have loved my PhD for the space and funding it provided me to pursue a long-form project I’d likely never have gotten round to otherwise. But I have hated the bureaucracy of the whole process and I have struggled to force an interest in its communities. I realised long ago that I’d have preferred to just write another book whilst being left alone, as I had done previously. But that is hardly a solution to the problems raised.

In truth, I have been experiencing a reckoning that sees this process of disillusionment as inevitable, even essential. The task, however, is not getting stuck there. On the one hand, perhaps all of this is merely the self-loathing impotence of a ‘Last Man’, in Nietzsche’s formulation, but I also see a vent in this position that acknowledges it in terms of being a ‘Last Man’ in a particular era, which has come to a close.

The future is already here, and to occupy it is to feel oneself ejected from a moribund present — for better and for worse. It necessitates a loathsome subjectivity that wants all prior fixations and habits to be torn asunder.

I hate the world as it currently is, but remain impassioned that there are other ways of comporting ourselves to midwife a new world struggling to be born.

That hatred is essential. I want to betray the present.

Militant Dysphoria

Continuing to elucidate his schema, Fisher writes:

Betrayal is just as important a cultural engine as fidelity; hate is just as important as love. But only the fan can betray, only the lover can hate. That’s why betrayal and hate are as alien to the Troll as they are to the Grey Vampires.

The fan is neither loved nor hated. The trolls, vampires and Masters are largely indifferent to the fan’s chattering, since “the vicissitudes of fan-adoration have no relationship to proper philosophical discussion, and fan exasperation, the nihilation of the former idol, is somehow juvenile.”

Staking a claim, Fisher was as defiant on this point as ever:

am a fan, and this holds for my philosophical, as much as my cultural, investments. The two are in any case interchangeable – there is a philosophy implicit in any cultural product worth its salt…

In parentheses, he briefly alludes (with admiration) to the late-00s fanaticism of Dominic Fox, Alex Williams and Reza Negarestani, demonstrated via “their method-analyses of Black Metal,” which takes on the form of a “black mirror reverse of the overground kingdom of Trolls and Grey Vampires.” As provocatively as ever, Fisher adds that “the anti-social dysphoria of Black Metal – being no-one – has far more to offer any 21st century Marxism than the moralising homilies of clubbable, pubbish socialism…”

On this point, there is much to quibble. Fisher himself did not remain immersed in this social dysphoria and, as far as I can tell, was never much of a ‘fan’ of Black Metal, even if he enjoyed the writings of those who were. Indeed, “the moralising homilies of clubbable, pubbish socialism” arguably took a hold of Repeater Books — and, relatedly, Tribune mag, which might epitomise it in the present — a decade on from this point. But since the former project succumbed to a lack of vigilance regarding the Zionists in its midst, perhaps there is a truth to — or at least a worthy return of — the “social dysphoria” he entertained in 2009.

Fisher was especially interested in this ‘dysphoria’ at that time. Following the publication of Dominic Fox’s Cold World, Fisher organised a conference at Goldsmiths on ‘Militant Dysphoria’. Alex Williams’ contribution to that event — the only one still online, as far as I can tell — helps clarify the stakes.

Militant dysphoria speaks to a symptomatology defined by

the collapse of the familiar paradigms of leftist politics, be they democratic parliamentarian, or street-protest based. Though neo-liberalism as reality principle might well appear to have imploded following the economic crisis of 2008, in the West we have pointedly not seen a serious renaissance of the left … Thirty years of triumphant post-Fordist neoliberalism seem to have critically weakened the usual avenues for left politics, to have driven those who keep faith with the truths of Marxism or Socialism to either an in-denial fervour for the theatrical acting-out of a party in the street, or a kind of numb remove, an immiserated state. So the left is trapped in a sort of depression, in a dysphoric state itself. Here “militant dysphoria” means the dysphoria of the militant. The hope arises that it is through a radicalisation of this very negative state that a future emancipatory politics might be born. A radicalisation in what sense though?

Williams’ question is less open-ended in the present. As I’ve noted recently, I do not see a contemporary left as having imploded in this way before the challenges that it now faces. The tandem vanguards of direct and indirect action have shaken up British politics profoundly, despite — or even because — the political establishment has sought to imprison all those who throw their weight behind these currents.

Regardless, leftist politics has been strengthened as a result, achieving considerable gains after the failure of the Corbyn project a decade earlier. We live in a very exciting and nerve-wracking time as a result. Nerve-wracking because the forces of reaction have also intensified to meet the left’s defiant advances. Exciting because it is also the emboldened forces of reaction that have led to a new ‘militant dysphoria’ biting at our heels.

Williams continues:

One interpretation of a militant dysphoria would hold that dysphoria acts to separate the subject from their world, and that [subject,] once suitably energised by this negative relation … might act to change it. In this sense of “militant dysphoria”[,] dysphoria is a necessary stage of subjective transformation, a making[-]strange of the everyday world of life and the vital, a subtraction apart from its quotidian ensnarement and the first step on the path towards its transformation. Here then, militant dysphoria breaks down into first dysphoria, then militancy, in that order.

It is a process of subjective transformation that is very familiar, and one I admittedly have a tendency to forget about when the dark cloud looms overhead… Which is ironic, as it is a process intuited at the very heart of what “xenogothic” was always meant to refer to: a world-dysphoria that has an eye on its outside, on a transformation beyond the capitalist-realist chrysalis, which also wrestles with the difficulties of starting from a dysphoric position. As Williams writes:

The primary difficulty here is to think the transition from the moment of refusal, of separation, of scission, and the conversion of this negative energy into action, the shift from rejection and dejection to engagement. Here we would certainly need the supplement of a form or vessel into which this negative energy might be poured, a structure, a party, a battle group, some degree of institutionalisation of negativity which would serve to give form to the otherwise potentially solipsistic tendencies of the dysphoric.

For me, more recently, the Palestine solidarity movement has been serving precisely as that vessel. Many new friends I admire have enacted this transition from depression to action emphatically, when faced with a genocide. Nevertheless,

the politics of this form of militant dysphoria is deeply paradoxical, and seemingly always in danger of either sliding back into the logic of the vital or its dark inverted doppelganger, a reification of dysphoria itself. 

It is a tension found at the heart of many writers who take a blackened (and even cold, metallic) view of the world. Fisher nods to Fox, Williams and Negarestani; Williams himself nods to Thomas Ligotti:

At the level of content there is a radical denial of the vital [in Ligotti’s writings], and yet this very disavowal enables the works to pulse with [a] certain inhuman vitality. Within the libidinal economy of the depressive mind, whilst life itself is refused, the life of the depressive economy, of the inverted libido, becomes omnipresent, becomes a new kind of life. Ligotti, for example, whilst claiming an absolute anhedonia, a freezing[-]up of the machinery of desire and enjoyment into a crystallised, timeless, ice-like tableaux, at the level of productivity remains motivated. Fundamentally[,] of course, Ligotti still writes. Instead of a refusal of the vital, of enjoyment, the dysphoric libidinal economy seemingly learns to enjoy displeasure, to metabolise disenchantment itself as a new kind of alternative energy source. 

It is relatable, even if embarrassingly so — I wish fewer posts on this blog began with dejection, only to write my way out of it, but that is a precious function of this blog, which I’ve long made peace with and, yes, actively enjoy…

The Analytic-Hysteric

Taking this militant dysphoria together with Fisher’s informal Y2K schema of social links, we can also return to Lacan’s four discourses — in particular, the hysteric’s discourse and the analyst’s discourse.

Here, a bit of explication is necessary: the position of the dysphoric militant resembles the Lacanian ‘hysteric’s discourse’, that is, the position of someone who says, “I am the master of a master become impotent”. This position contains its own jouissance, in that this subordination to a decaying master’s discourse can nonetheless be enjoyed.

Alenka Zupancic frames the hysteric as follows:

The hysteric’s indignation about the master really being just this miserable human being, full of faults and flaws, does not aim at displaying how castrated he is; on the contrary, it is a complaint about the fact that the master is precisely not castrated enough – if he were, he would utterly coincide with his symbolic function, but as it is, he nevertheless also enjoys, and it is this enjoyment that weakens his symbolic power and irritates the hysteric.

But is there not something else at play here?

Lacan’s hysteric’s discourse takes place in a world where a master’s discourse is decaying, and an awareness of this fact — the sense that one possesses a privileged knowledge of the master’s deprecation — amounts to a sense of usurping the master’s discourse with one’s own. It is a discourse no less susceptible to co-optation by the university discourse. In the context of the Palestine liberation movement, it is where distain for NGOs and researchers sometimes comes from, who risk only ever trying to hold the master to account in the context of his own legislature. The hysteric may well take the place of the conmen in ‘The Emperor’s New Clothes’ in this regard, — the ones who exploit the master’s vanity, like jesters of the court, ridiculing but hardly overcoming, because the emperor is more than capable of withstanding the jeers of his subjects.

The dysphoric militant is less a jester than a wolf in the throne room. Lacan’s position is one of knowledge, interpretation, and always vying for meaning. The dysphoric militant may well take on a more nihilistic position that gladly sees meaning — especially a ‘masterful’ meaning — emptied of its pretensions.

A Wolf in the Throne Room

Lacanians would undoubtedly tightened the trap here again. There is no escaping the knot of language. Even Fisher knew that action was nothing without its proper narration. Maybe this is a flaw — actions speak louder than words — but Lacan too noted how the meaning applied to language was a human predilection. The system itself (whether of language, as that which is most fundamental, or any other other system for that matter) does not need meaning to function; only we do.

But do we, really? In the late-00s speculative-realist blogosphere, we must remember that nihilism was also newly affirmed. Ray Brassier offered up the most salient rallying cry for the new nihilist when he argued:

Philosophers would do well to desist from issuing any further injunctions about the need to re-establish the meaningfulness of existence, the purposefulness of life, or mend the shattered concord between man and nature. Philosophy should be more than a sop to the pathetic twinge of human self-esteem. Nihilism is not an existential quandary but a speculative opportunity. Thinking has interests that do not coincide with those of living; indeed, they can and have been pitted against the latter.

It is a view affirmed also by Badiou — a notable Lacanian with formerly Maoist tendencies — whom Bassier quotes. Badiou writes:

As far as nihilism is concerned, we shall grant that our era bears witness to it precisely insofar as nihilism is understood as the rupturing of the traditional figure of the bond; unbinding as the form of being of everything which acts as a semblance of the bond.

Which bond? Social bonds? Perhaps…

All of this lingers in the background of Williams’ militant dysphoria too when he writes how

a world protects its consistency by rendering itself a black box, invincible and invisible, taken for granted. The human world is one determined by vitalistic principles, and it is these which are undone in dysphoria, hence undoing the world which they construct. If capital has subsumed the world of life, has exploited and manipulated its processes to such an extent that it becomes synonymous with life, and indeed a form of life itself, then perhaps the way of death, of non-life, of the freezing[-]over of the vital offers a way out of its particular strictures. It is certainly true to say that capitalism as it stands now requires a degree of acquiescence with the “big other” — to at least pay lip service to the affirmationist common sense. This means that at the level of microeconomics, we must “enjoy” or at least pretend to do so, and at the level of macroeconomics that the dogma of growth of gross domestic product as strictly equivalent to the common good and the elevation of the general standard of living of humanity must be maintained. So in identifying with the state of dysphoria itself and hence to subtract from this world, the militant dysphoric effectively abandons a world already made cold by capital’s alien life, and then perhaps, undoes it. Perhaps.

I find all of this clarifying… I hope I’m not the only one.

Again, as I keep repeating as of late, this sort of militant dysphoria — as a process of transformation — that can only result in direct action, which does not petition the master to fully cohere with his symbolic function, but rather acts when and where he won’t. In many ways, it is all the more fitting that this is a position that the master cannot understand. He sees every would-be usurper as a hysteric. This will (hopefully) be his downfall.

Coda

Writing time is precious. It does not present itself so often these days. This post has become a kind of cork in latent energies that I’ve been desperate to release somehow. It barely takes the edge off, but it is better than nothing.

The world is cold. It’s nearly June, but it feels like summer came and went over a few days in early May. I pick up my phone and my headphones and scroll through iBroadcast until I find Wolves in the Throne Room. I’ve not really been in the mood for metal in years. I’m in the mood for it again now.

Plastique Fantastique
at Nunhead Cemetery

Nunhead cemetery used to be a very familiar haunt for me before the pandemic. There were documented visits in February, October and November 2019. It’s also where this blog’s header image was taken, no doubt between Februrary and October that same year.

The last time I was there, it was January 2020. Gruppo di Nun came to stay and got the tour.

It was nice to return on Friday after six years away, now living a very different life, for something no less ritualistic

Approaches to a Broken Economy:
XG at ICA London

I’ll be giving a short presentation on Mark Fisher’s work at ICA London on 29th May 2026, alongside artists Hilary Powell and Daniel Edelstyn, and economist Ann Pettifor.

Tickets are available here. The event is taking place alongside the exhibition Genuine Fake Premium Economy, which brings together three new commissioned works by Jenna Bliss, Buck Ellison & Jasmine Gregory.

More info on the event below:

Writer Em Colquhoun, artists Hilary Powell and Daniel Edelstyn, and economist Ann Pettifor come together to discuss their various work on inequality.

Each speaker will present an area of their work relating to how we have been living with a broken economy, and how this era of rising inequality has laid bare myths of fairness, progress and meritocracy. Em Colquhoun will speak on Mark Fisher’s work, in particular Capitalist Realism and Postcapitalist Desire: The Final Lectures. Hilary Powell and Daniel Edelstyn will discuss Bank Job, a community art project and resulting documentary in which the artists bought up more than £1 million of debt owed by people in Walthamstow. Ann Pettifor will present on her new book The Global Casino: How Wall Street Gambles with People and the Planet.

This will be followed by a discussion and opportunity for questions from the audience.

Mobilise for the Moog 4:
Trial Starts 4th June

My partner’s trial is due to start on Thursday 4th June 2026 at Birmingham Crown Court. They are facing a charge of criminal damage for alleged involvement in direct action that took place at Moog Inc. in Wolverhampton.

Moog is a company that you might associate with synthesisers. That’s Robert Moog. He had a cousin, Bill Moog, who invented flight actuators for aircraft. The company that bears Bill’s name is Moog’s evil twin and has been involved in all sorts of bother. (I wish I was making this up.)

In 2024, they were fined $1.7m for violating the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act by bribing Indian officials for public tenders. At the same time, they have been shipping essential parts to the Israeli military for use in its F-35 jets, responsible for much of the destruction in Gaza, and the M-346, which trains those same pilots for deployment.

As one local resident pointed out, in an area that built airplanes to fight fascism in World War II, you now have a company arming a fascist nation in 2026. Bezalel Smotrich, at the very least, would be proud of that fact. Still, the UK government has not stopped these shipments.

The UK government claims to have suspended some export licences, but these do not apply to anything Israel actually needs; only the shipping of those items that the IOF could probably buy on Amazon. With regards to Moog’s role in the production of key components for the M-346 — components that no other company produces — Chris Bryant MP misled parliament and contradicted his own briefing when defending the government’s decision not to suspend Moog’s exports.

If any more proof of Moog’s indifference to international law were needed, a criminal investigation has recently been opened into the company’s shipments through Belgium — a country that has implemented a full arms embargo, which Moog appears to have wilfully ignored. But in the UK, it is my partner who is on trial.

My partner and three others have already spent six months on remand in prison, accused of doing what our government has refused to, which is upholding international law and ceasing their facilitation of crimes against humanity. Now the Moog 4 are facing even more time.

Please come to Birmingham Crown Court from June 4th to support the four defendants.

Free the Brize Norton 5, Free the Keysight 3:
Demo Outside the Old Bailey

Photos from a recent demo outside the Old Bailey, in support of the Keysight 3 and the Brize Norton 5. There was some street theatre by Moi Ko, dramatizing the events of the Brize Norton action and its consequences:

In the early hours of the 20th June 2025, two people cut through the fence at RAF Brize Norton, a Royal Airforce base in Oxfordshire, and used electric scooters to spray paint two Voyager aircraft’s. The state alleges that the incident represented a threat to national security, and cause damage in the millions of pounds… despite this, the planes were spotted flying again 11 days later.

Moi Ko’s newest political street theatre production asks, why is state violence called security and resistance called terrorism?

I Love You More Than I Hate Prison:
Episode 2 — ‘slowcore springcore’

Songs for rage and languidity.

  1. Introduction by Em Colquhoun
  2. ‘Double Carmen’ by Ulla & Ultrafog
  3. ‘Second Visit’ by Andrew Chalk
  4. ‘The Mansion’ by The Microphones
  5. ‘… a Psychopath’ by Lisa Germano
  6. ‘Dogwool’ by Cancer House
  7. ‘Bedside Table’ by Bedhead
  8. ‘Norfolk’ by Hood
  9. ‘Wranglers in Blue’ by 22° Halo
  10. ‘David Ortiz Pillbox’ by Venturing
  11. ‘August Again’ by Ida
  12. ‘Just Talk’ by A. C. Marias
  13. ‘Two-Step’ by Low
  14. ‘Lavender’ by Hysterical Love Project
  15. ‘Ghosts of Your Whispered Words Linger’ by Miffle
  16. ‘Life Groze’ by The Furniture Group
  17. ‘Ceremony’ by Galaxie 500
  18. ‘It’s All About Us’ by The American Analog Set
  19. ‘For Sure’ by American Football
  20. ‘Car Blanket’ by They Are Gutting a Body of Water
  21. ‘Hybrid Moments’ by Helvetia
  22. ‘Why I Remember (Each Day of Summer)’ by Dagmar Zuniga
  23. ‘Imperial Gold’ by Dean Blunt
  24. ‘Fearless Girl’ by Naemi
  25. ‘Triumph of the Metal People’ by Valium Aggelein
  26. ‘Good Morning, Captain’ by Slint
  27. ‘God’s Green Earth’ by Idaho
  28. ‘What If You Didn’t Need a Reason’ by Moin
  29. ‘New Son’ by Rex
  30. ‘Long Distance Runaround’ by Red House Painters

I Love You More Than I Hate Prison:
Episode 1 – ‘peace tracks’

Juno and I listened to music a lot together whilst they were in prison. I wrote about it for Vol. 2 of No Tags at the end of last year. Now that they’re out, we wanted to try and recreate that atmosphere for ourselves, but with new freedom.

First up, a mix Juno made of songs by ‘peace’ — a mysterious SoundCloud producer they were listening to a lot on release. After they put the mix together, we called each other on the phone and chatted about it whilst also introducing this thing we’ve been wanting to do.

Apologies for the audio quality during our opening conversation by the way, but the crunch is both familiar and apt, as it mediated the majority of our conversations for six whole months. Get used to it. We did.

Also, enjoy. There’ll be more to come.

Direct vs. Indirect Action:
Mark Fisher’s Forgotten Writings on the Future(s) of Dissent

It continues to surprise me just how relevant and prescient the work of Mark Fisher remains within the context of the political climate in the UK. Not that you’d think that by the passing dismissals that continue to circulate occasionally across social media… But there are many essays that Mark wrote in the 2010s that have never been read widely. Perhaps that is because they are, in many ways, “parochial”.

But parochial from whose perspective? Fisher may continue to resonate most with those living in the UK, but the spread of his work across the Spanish-speaking world continues to fascinate me. More often than not, Fisher is chewed up and misunderstood by Americans, unfortunately… And in speaking to a few Americans recently, I’m conscious of how they continue to be barely plugged into what’s happening over here (or anywhere else, frankly).

My interest in Mark’s work endures unwaveringly, but I am returning to him more emphatically at the moment, as his writings from 2015-16 are spookily prescient for the UK in 2025-26. His writings on protest, in particular, have helped clarify my own thinking about what is happening with various protest movements at work today.

New Consciousness Raised?

Eight months ago, I felt my political consciousness raised anew in orbit of the UK’s prison-industrial complex. I have struggled to get back into theory since, instead yearning for community organising like I never have before. But in returning to others’ words to try and understand recent experiences, it has been Fisher — much to my surprise, honestly — who has once again encapsulated the last year for me.

“To have one’s consciousness raised is not merely to become aware of facts of which one was previously ignorant”, he wrote in 2015: “it is instead to have one’s whole relationship to the world shifted.” I have been relating to this profoundly. I’ve written about Israel-Palestine on this blog for years. I’ve never been ignorant to the existence of prisons. I have been to various protests, including protests against the UK government’s crackdown on protest rights. But after my partner was arrested for alleged involvement in direct action and remanded to prison for six months, my entire relationship to the world has shifted massively. In reading Mark, as I try to process the experience, it seems clear that something also happened to him in 2015. There was a shift — one ignored by many because it did not take place online.

Mark abandoned Twitter, moved into meatspace, and took to organising within the UK on a local and national level. His thought developed with new rapidity, but his old readership lagged behind, largely unaware of what was going on for him. If Mark became more parochial than before, this is likely why. Still, there are clear signposts from 2015, which remain available for all those willing to look past the distorting virality of ‘other’ essays…

Abandon Hope; Pick Up New Weapons

2015 was an interesting year for Fisher in many ways. He appeared newly radicalised by the electoral defeat of the Labour Party during that year’s general election. Earlier this year, on the ninth anniversary of Mark’s death, I returned to the blogpost written in response.

What had previously been a coalition government run by the Tories and the Liberal Democrats was transformed into a Conservative Party majority. I remember the election well – the most disheartening in living memory. But Fisher refused to give in to despair, because he recognised that despair and apathy is what the system wants most of all.

Reflecting on ‘capitalist realism’ – his most famous concept; a name given to neoliberalism’s cancellation of the future and its ‘naturalisation’ of capitalism as the only viable socio-economic system available to us (‘there is no alternative’) – Fisher wrote on his k-punk blog:

Capitalist realism is not about people positively identifying with neoliberalism; it is about the naturalisation and therefore the depoliticisation of the neoliberal worldview … To break out of this, you need a repoliticisation, and this requires a popular mobilisation…

There was some evidence of popular mobilisation at that time, in Fisher’s view. (He cites the SNP, but ten years on, this mobilisation clearly didn’t last.) Regardless, more clearly needed to be done to counteract the Tories’ victory, which “depended upon a popular de-activation.” But there was evidence of a new “popular enthusiasm – an enthusiasm that capitalist realism is set up to prevent emerging” — nonetheless. It may not have been strong enough to forestall the Tories’ ascendence, but it was still emerging. Something was rushing into view, Fisher argued; “something that, for a long time, there hasn’t seemed to be any glimmer of in England: the future.”

To encourage the emergence of a world struggling to be born, Fisher advocated for various strategies and tactics that are broadly uncontroversial: the development of “hub struggles” – like the Miners’ Strike – and the creation of new “social spaces” and “knowledge exchange labs”, where people can learn more about the nature of our system beyond the enclaves of higher education.

Most interesting to me, however, out of Fisher’s nine recommendations for encouraging popular mobilisation, is number seven: “Engage in forms of activism aimed at logistical disruption”. Expanding, Fisher writes:

Capital has to be seriously inconvenienced and to fear before it yields any territory or resources. It can just wait out most protests, but it will take notice when its logistical operations are threatened. We must be prepared for them cutting up very rough once we start doing this – using anti-terrorist legislation to justify practically any form of repression. They won’t play fair, but it’s not a game of cricket – they know it’s class war, and we should never forget it either.

Reading this in 2026, it is striking how prescient it feels. Exactly ten years after Fisher wrote these words, the British government has begun to use its counter-terrorism legislation to brutalise and disempower pro-Palestinian protest movements explicitly. What Fisher called for was direct action, and the authoritarian response to popular direct action movements has illuminated the class war engulfing Britain more glaringly than I can remember in my lifetime.

Direct action – a form of protest that does not seek recourse to influencing government policy through the pressure of civil disobedience, but rather acts directly upon capital’s logistical infrastructure – has a long and celebrated history in the British isles. The Suffragettes are the go-to example, jarringly celebrated in parliament at the same time as politicians today enact legislation that would have surely broken the Suffragette movement in the early 20th century. Indeed, today’s direct actionists are defamed as ‘terrorists’ and imprisoned under repressive counter-terror regimes that seek to isolate, disenfranchise and break apart ‘ideological’ movements on the grounds of their apparent ‘extremism’ and threat to ‘national security’.

The playbook will be familiar to anyone with a passing knowledge of McCarthyism internationally, but the crackdowns within the UK in particular are unprecedented. The other day, for example, I attended the campaign launch for the Brize Norton 5 at Palestine House in London. Dr Asim Qureshi, research director at CAGE International, spoke at length on the UK government’s new National Security Act 2023. The Brize Norton 5, accused of spray-painting RAF planes used to refuel Israeli jets mid-strike, have been remanded to prison since July 2025 and are the first to be charged under the new act.

A few nights earlier, Juno and I had been watching documentaries about the partition of Korea, and I was struck by discussions of South Korea’s own National Security Act, implemented in 1948 “to secure the security of the State and the subsistence and freedom of nationals, by regulating any anticipated activities compromising the safety of the State.” Over the decades since, the Act has been adapted to stop its arbitrary usage, curtailing freedom of expression and enabling human rights abuses. In the UK, many suspect it will be a long time before we see similar powers put in place to curtail the abuses being enacted right now.

Korea is not the only historical example resonating with our present. The UK government in 2026 is willing to exert the sort of totalitarian crackdown on leftists as Italy did to break the left in the 1970s, for example — albeit for actions that pale in comparison to anything the Red Brigades ever did. Most damningly, these measures have been applied to pro-Palestinian activists almost explicitly, who object to British facilitation of a contemporary genocide as well as Britain’s long-standing support for Israeli apartheid. Far-right agitators, responsible for rioting and terrorising communities on racially aggravated grounds in 2024, face no such comparable repression.

The world Fisher expected to see, once the British left got its act together, is here. These crackdowns are not evidence of a coming defeat, however. The left has never felt more empowered in this country, and it is making gains not seen since a decade ago. This time, however, the left is also refusing to make concessions. Smearing anti-Zionists as ‘antisemites’, for example, doesn’t work anymore. Smearing them as terrorists won’t either.

Indirect Action

Fisher’s predictions regarding direct action and the repressions that would result from its tactical use are not the only prescient aspect of his 2015 blogpost. He insists that new narratives are also essential to support these logistical disruptions.

Capitalist realism isn’t simply a bricks-and-mortar system, after all; it is also a ideological regime that installs capitalism as the basis of all ‘common sense’. The rise of social media as a newly putrid battleground was something Fisher was tentatively excited about, before he abstained from the impotence of Twitter debates. In fact, the intensification of Twitter circle-jerks was a problem he identified much earlier than most. His essay “Touchscreen Capture” is one example of him critiquing the further entrenchment of neoliberalised communications technology in the 21st century.

In his blogpost following the 2015 general election, Mark raises the same argument. The contradictory delibidinising tendencies of addictive social-media platforms is an intensification of old PR exercises from the 1970s and ’80s. It’s all very intentional. “This is why the intensification and proliferation of the capitalist technologies of reality management and libidinal engineering in the 1980s was not merely some happy coincidence for neoliberalism; neoliberalism’s success was inconceivable without [new communicative] technologies”, Fisher writes. But he knew the solution wasn’t abandoning social media either. To do so entirely would only be to cede its possession to the right. He argues instead that communicative technologies must be used proactively, not reactively.

This is because logistical disruption must be coupled with narrative disruption. Logistics and narrativisation are two sides of the same coin for capitalism itself, after all. It is for this “reason that direct action, while of course crucial, will never be sufficient: we also need to act indirectly, by generating new narratives, figures and conceptual frames.”

Accelerationist Narratives

This tension between direct and indirect action was a focal point of Fisher’s work during the 2010s. I’ve previously written about how he despised the resurgent purity politics of an American left that took far too seriously the admonishments of the right.

These admonishments were common in orbit of the Occupy movement:

In the London Evening Standard, one columnist crowed that it “was capitalism and globalisation that produced the clothes the protesters wear, the tents they sleep in, the food they eat, the phones in their pockets and the social networks they use to organise.”

In an essay titled “Postcapitalist Desire” (and in the first session of his postgraduate seminar of the same name), Fisher highlights how the right’s claims of leftist hypocrisy don’t actually warrant being taken seriously. What Mark heard in these dismissals was little more than the sort of miserablism espoused by his former lecturer Nick Land, whose “theory-fictional provocations were guided by the assumption that desire and communism were fundamentally incompatible.”

If Land was nonetheless useful in the 2010s, Mark argued its for the way he identifies points of contention that the left needs better arguments to rebuke. He identifies three of these, arguing that Land’s writings

  1. “luridly expose the scale and the nature of the problems the left now faces”, that is, “the extent to which [capitalism’s] victory was dependent upon the libidinal mechanisms of the advertising and PR companies whose semiotic excrescences despoil former public spaces”;
  2. “expose an uncomfortable contradiction between the radical left’s official commitment to revolution, and its actual tendency towards political and formal-aesthetic conservatism”;
  3. “assume a terrain that politics now operates on, or must operate on to be effective — a terrain in which technology is embedded in everyday life and the body; design and PR are ubiquitous; financial abstraction enjoys dominion over government; life and culture are subsumed into cyberspace”.

But Mark, like the rest of the blogosphere, went to great lengths to distance himself from his former lecturer. In fact, much of Mark’s 2010s writing demonstrates how inapposite and blinkered Land’s arguments are in the present, despite the fact Land has successfully seduced Silicon Valley losers into believing their wealth-generating shortsightedness is radical.

In this regard, whilst Land may have ultimately won out in narratively hijacking “accelerationism” for his own ends, Mark’s definition is far more interesting and aligned with his perspective on direct and indirect action when he writes:

I want to situate accelerationism not as some heretical form of Marxism, but as an attempt to converge with, intensify, and politicize the most challenging and exploratory dimensions of popular culture. [Ellen] Willis’s desire for “a social and psychic revolution of almost inconceivable magnitude” and her “quarrel with the left” over desire and freedom can provide a different way into thinking what is at stake in this much misunderstood concept. A certain, perhaps now dominant, take on accelerationism has it that the position amounts to a cheerleading for the intensification of any capitalist process whatsoever, particularly the “worst,” in the hope that this will bring the system to a point of terminal crisis. (One example of this would be the idea that voting for Reagan and Thatcher in the ‘80s was the most effective revolutionary strategy, since their policies would supposedly lead to insurrection). This formulation, however, is question-begging in that it assumes what accelerationism rejects—the idea that everything produced “under” capitalism fully belongs to capitalism. By contrast, accelerationism maintains that there are desires and processes which capitalism gives rise to and feeds upon, but which it cannot contain; and it is the acceleration of these processes that will push capitalism beyond its limits. Accelerationism is also the conviction that the world desired by the Left is post-capitalist—that there is no possibility of a return to a pre-capitalist world and that there is no serious desire to return to such a world, even if we could.

The impotence of Occupy

Mark’s ‘accelerationist’ position is important in the present context because he also uses it to intervene within the horizonalist contradictions that made the Occupy movement so impotent. In an essay titled “Indirect Action: Some Misgivings About Horizontalism”, Mark is critical of any leftist tendency that sees basic strategic planning and political organization as copying the modus operandi of the State. (This may sounds silly now, but 15 years ago, it was all too commonly heard.) Mark instead wants “to argue … that this rejection of the very concept of authority has been disastrous for the left.”

It has led to a kind of self-defeating and self-loathing marginalization and to an unwarranted faith in spontaneity and face-to-face interaction (an emphasis strangely at odds with the technological aspects of network culture, which have downgraded the importance of face-to-face communication). It has contributed to the left’s continuing failure to make any hegemonic headway, despite the spectacular discrediting of neoliberalism caused by the financial crisis. Never has, the word ‘curate’ been so widely used in cultural circles, but never has there been less confidence in the validity of the concepts inherent in curatorship: the linking of management with care and authority. In summary, the left’s disdaining of authority — and the concomitant embrace of ‘horizontalism’ — has done little to displace what I have called capitalist realism: the belief that capitalism is the only political-economic system that ‘works’, and that it is impossible even to imagine any alternative to it. In fact, rather than challenging capitalist realism, horizontalism has — at least in some respects — further embedded it.

The Occupy movement was an instance of raised-consciousness for a generation, but it was, unfortunately, toothless. The movement didn’t so much make demands as vague suggestions. It asked for alternate forms of democracy, corporate accountability, and reform. In fairness, Occupy was also a reckoning with a newly digital world. The lack of interest in authority may have also come from a feeling that people didn’t know what was to be done. Who did? Even Fisher writes with the benefit of at least 5 years’ hindsight.

Nevertheless, in reflecting on the Occupy movement for himself, Fisher was more forthright a few years later, when many on the left had yet to fully reckon with their late-00s failures. His (accelerationist) view was that no political project of resistance will achieve much of anything if it abstains from involvement with new communicative-capitalist infrastructures.

Trying to make sense of the logic of Occupy in hindsight, Fisher suggests that the “idea must be a kind of contagious withdrawal from the structures of the State, capital and the media, which will spread through lateral networks rather than via the ‘arborescent’ structures of mass media and parliamentary politics.” In that regard, it constitutes a contradiction: how can a movement spread through networks it is abstaining from? That’s not to say that posting alone will change the world — we know it won’t — but Occupy also demonstrated that not having a clear message or narrative made its forms of direct action ultimately inconsequential. Indeed, direct actions needs indirect action as its underside.

Mark continues:

If the aim is not to take over or even influence the State, then there must be a faith in the practical sufficiency of the movement itself. The point is not to direct demands towards, or protest against, an Other, but for the movement to constitute itself as an immediately effective collectivity. Yet, this faith in immediate – which is to say, unmediated – action betrays a lack of faith in the efficacy of indirect action.

Mark writes even more forthrightly on this topic in an essay entitled “Politics Beyond the Street: KP Brehmer and the Making-Visible of Capitalist Realism”:

‘How do you occupy an abstraction?’ McKenzie Wark posed this question in 2011, in the wake of the Occupy protests. It remains an urgent problem, especially now that the Occupy movement’s momentum has dissipated, and capital continues on its remorseless march. We’re now very aware that, far from threatening neoliberalism, the financial crisis of 2008-9 has led to the intensified form of neoliberalism known as austerity. We should also be aware of the limitations of the idea of taking direct action against capital. If capital is essentially abstract, then what would such direct action entail? Capitalism is a system of virtualities. It cannot be directly experienced, even if it conditions most of what we can now experience. (It may be difficult to conceive of what really occupying capital might involve, but we can be certain that capital occupies us.) Successful action against capital must therefore be of an indirect sort — it must involve challenging and replacing the machineries of mediation which impose capitalist reality upon us.

Lessons Learned

The pro-Palestine movement of the 2020s has achieved both of these things very successfully. It is the “hub struggle” uniting and expanding the left as a whole. It has brought the virtuality of the arms trade — anonymous UK factories idealogically and physically distanced from the atrocities they facilitate abroad — firmly into touching distance.

We have — in part, and even regrettably — Israel’s own insanity to thank for this. Israel’s genocide has revealed the horror of their exaggerated political system — that is, as the sharp edge of Western-imperial geopolitics overall — to a world that has been largely ignorant of its injustices for decades. Palestinian solidarity has never been more popular as a result, even if there is a lingering grief regarding how overdue that solidarity is. Grief aside, however, it is clear that various improvements have been made — improvements demonstrable given the fact that the pushback against them has been more authoritarian than anything seen so far this century.

The strength of the Palestinian solidarity movement is found in its infrastructural diversity. Activists, actionists, journalists, investigators, academics, social-media influencers, artists, writers, organisers, et al. – not only are all present in the movement, in active face-to-face communication with one another, but many individuals also occupy multiple roles at once. A vibrant communality offers the most vibrant glimmer of a communism to come. Movements that Fisher saw as lacking ten years ago, today seem to have learned lessons from past impotencies.

I still have my critiques. If I’m totally honest, I think the cultural arm of the pro-Palestinian movement continues to be lacking. Perhaps I’m just a bit worn out by hearing the same Lowkey, Bob Vylan and Macklemore songs on social media posts. I unfortunately don’t rate the music that highly — perhaps because the protest-music formula feels a little tired. (Their “official commitment to revolution” does tend toward “formal-aesthetic conservatism.”) But these artists have other strengths. They have used their cultural platforms proactively to become vital and visible spokespeople for the movement. Truthfully, many of them are better activists than they are musicians. (Kneecap may be the one exception that does it all with consistent aplomb.)

Beyond these musicians, the pro-Palestine movement has utilised social media very effectively, and we are also seeing a movement finally carving out a broader media ecosystem. Ten years ago, Novara Media was leading the charge in this regard, but they have since positioned themselves as an alternative media outlet in competition with the mainstream. As such, they have inserted themselves into a mainstream media ecology that has subsequently led to them making many of the same mistakes or orbiting the same talking points. Other outlets defer to their own authority and expertise instead, which they know outpaces that of the mainstream without giving a shit if they attract mainstream attention. (Matt Kennard was very good on this during the Brize Norton 5 panel discussion embedded above.)

Far from being self-maligned, a true alternative is offered that highlights just how moribund the legacy media — embroiled with the political establishment — has become. They supply an answer to one of the central questions that preoccupied Fisher in the mid-2010s:

How can the politics of street protest make any contact with the abstract structures of capital that appear to be immune to direct action?

A networked politics has since formed whereby footage of direct action goes viral on social media, leading to concerned citizens doing their own research. But the flow of information is not one-directional. Investigative journalists informed actionists who transform abstract structures into real-world locations.

New Blogtivisms

By way of an example, after the action my partner is alleged to have been involved with in Wolverhampton, I saw a video on social media highlighting the industrial history of the neighbourhood.

Gordon Dimmack is a blogger and resident of Wolverhampton. On August 27th, he travelled to the site where the action took place. Standing outside the gated factory, he began to share his thoughts:

I’m outside Moog Aircraft Systems in Pendeford in Wolverhampton, and the reason I’m here is because yesterday morning, in the early hours, four activists from the group Palestinian Martyrs for Justice broke in and allegedly caused a load of criminal damage. Because they say that Moog Aircraft Systems supplies training systems to Elbit Systems, a company in Israel; that trains the pilots to fly around in the F-35s above Gaza doing all these war crimes. And they say that this is a company that is complicit in that… in that system…

He stumbles.

I’m really, really unhappy about this. I’m gonna break… I had this whole speech that I was gonna do… And I’m gonna break from it and just talk from the heart.

This is a mile down the road from where I live. Pendeford, Wolverhampton – we have a deep pride in our history. All the companies around here, on this site and around here, like Doughty Bolton Paul’s and the Lucas Aerospace up the road – they were all companies and manufacturers that helped defeat fascism in World War II. We built the planes… Doughty Bolton Paul’s actually built a plane that fought in the Battle of Britain. And my grandad… My grandad actually built the rivets that put the Spitfires and the Hurricanes together; [the planes] that fought fascism in World War II.

And here we are now, with companies on the same sites profiting from [fascism]. I’m fuming! I am absolutely fuming. We have a deep pride in this area for our history of fighting fascism, of fighting the worst kinds of evil you can possibly imagine. We… I am deeply proud of it. My family is rooted in this history. All around this area there are mosaics and signs and even brickwork with pictures of Spitfires and Hurricanes, and the Doughty Boulton Paul’s plane. We’re deeply proud of it in this area, and now…

These companies that are sitting on the land that these great organizations once operated under are now supplying the very sort of evil that we fought against in World War II.

It was deeply affecting for me to see him at the site, overcome with emotion. Because, of course, he’s right. What’s worrying, though, is that Wolverhampton’s industries are not alone in subsisting on this kind of underhand complicity and active facilitation. (I’ve long been aware of a similar ideological obfuscation around similar industries where I grew up in Hull.) They are so many sites across the UK that warrant this level of scrutiny — and then some! Furthermore, what’s dangerous is that the romanticisation of these industrial sites has helped to enable that underhandedness for decades.

But a networked politics dismantles all of this. Both materially and ideologically, there is no peaceful space for business-as-usual. What has been hiding in plain sight is made newly visible. Direct and indirect action, far from being opposed, are now immersed in collaboration. The successes of this collaboration speak for themselves. For all the government’s draconian clampdowns on those mobilising for life, I cannot see them defeating them. All they have done is make new martyrs and elevate new spokespeople within the movement, inspiring others to take action until something changes.

Far from being parochially irrelevant in death, I’m left wondering once again what Mark would think about all of this leftist organising and activism in the present. If he was here, I think he’d be hugely impressed and pleased by what he saw.